The financial markets have become more and more important in modern society. Their behaviour and impact relies crucially on the behaviour of market participants, aka the investors of different types. Although descriptions of the financial markets on the macro level have caught the attention of investors, regulators, and the ordinary people, how the market participants interact with each other in the financial market may provide deeper insights on how and why the financial markets behave. This book explores the micro level of financial market behaviour. The author has been undertaking financial research, especially on the micro level, during the past two decades. The academic research on this broad area has undergone a rapid growth, with new results, methods, theories, and even paradigms, emerging and burogeoning almost every year. As a financial researcher in one of China’s top universities, the author has kept monitoring, digesting, and synthesising the research articles in the area. This book is the outcome of this decades-long routine research work of the author, covering the fundamental economic theories of how different investors receive and interpret information. The empirical results of investors' behaviour are also discussed in depth, along with the basic academic techniques of modelling investors' behaviour.

Research on gender inequality uses limited and sectoral areas as a reference. A team of scholars, academics and researchers from fourteen different countries – Cuba, Haiti, India, Iraq, Iran, Italy, Ivory Coast, Mexico, Pakistan, Peru, Poland, Tunisia, United States and Venezuela – bring out instead in a synchronous and transversal way the gender discrimination for women’s experiences at work, in family, for education. Results show that in the varied landscape of countries considered over 50 percent believe it is still difficult to be a woman in their own country today. Only one third of respondents believe women’s policies in their country are right and less than the majority believe there’s a possibility of having support to balance and reconcile family and work. At the same time, the tragedy of domestic violence – worsened in the Covid period – crosses borders and refers to that culture of machismo that still characterizes genderinequality. Why? For the atavistic presumption of superiority of one sex over the other so difficult to eradicate from culture, education and stereotypes still existing today. On the contrary, certainty is rather that “donnons le monde aux femmes, elles en feront un paradis!” (“Give the world to women, they will make it a paradise”), as an interviewee from Haiti wrote.

The City of McKeesport in southwestern Pennsylvania once had a population of more than fifty thousand people and a newspaper that dated back to the nineteenth century. Technology has caused massive disruption to American journalism, throwing thousands of reporters out of work, closing newsrooms, and leaving vast areas with few traditional news sources – including McKeesport. With the loss of their local paper in 2015, residents now struggle to make sense of what goes on in their community and to separate facts from gossip – often driven by social media. The changes taking place in this one Pennsylvania community are being repeated across the United States as hundreds of local newspapers close, creating news deserts and leaving citizens with little access to reliable local journalism. The obituary for local news, however, does not have to read all bad: Even in the bleakest places, citizens are discovering what happens in their communities and becoming gatekeepers to information for the people around them. In McKeesport, citizens are attempting to make sense of the news on their own, for better and worse. This experiment not only offers clues about what happens after a local newspaper dies, but also provides guidance to the way forward.

In 1950, at the age of twenty-seven, Henry Kissinger wrote The Meaning of History as his senior thesis at Harvard university. Now, more than 70 years later, it’s published for the first time. The thesis explores the ideas of three important thinkers in Western philosophical and historical thought, in a way that also reflects Kissinger’s own transition from the Continental world to the Atlantic: Oswald Spengler (1880–1936), a German historian and philosopher; Arnold Toynbee (1889–1975), a British historian and philosopher and Immanuel Kant (1724–1804), a Prussian of the European Enlightenment era and one of the most important philosophers of this time. The study wrestles with some of the first-order dilemmas of Western political, philosophical, and moral thought. Its scope ranges from the Enlightenment through to the midpoint of the twentieth century – an era scourged by two world wars and the advent of the nuclear age. It also provides great insight into the conceptual perspective of its author, who was to become the most influential American statesman of the post-war period.

Mental health difficulties bring us face to face with our vulnerability as human beings, and after two years of struggling with the effects of Covid-19 concerns about mental health worldwide have never been higher. But our discussions are still fraught with issues of language and understanding. Are we all on a ‘spectrum’ of mental wellness? Is ‘well-being’ about ‘being well’ or about coping? Mental health problems can be frightening when we experience them ourselves, or see them in others. And despite all the talk, most of us find it hard to decide when or where to seek help. What is often missing from these discussions is the most valuable resource of all – the personal accounts of those with lived experience of mental health difficulties. Making Sense of Mental Health is centred on hours of in-depth interviews with adults coping with mental health issues. The author follows their journeys from the origin of their distress to their lowest moments to eventual recovery and a sense of moving on. These lived experiences show how in times of crisis people can move forward amidst the chaos, vulnerability and uncertainty brought on by mental health problems. There are no quick fixes or miracle cures to serious mental health issues. This book shows that ‘what works’ is whatever helps an individual make sense of what is happening to them. A problem entwined with the human condition, mental health difficulties can best be treated by understanding the experiences of those who have lived through them, and as a society by finding a way to ascribe meaning to the complex reality of mental health.

"A well-edited, cohesive volume on the fundamental goals and strategies of Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong Un to define the DPRK’s economic structure and outcomes..

“Provides a long-term view that is crucial to understanding where Latin American police institutions come from, how they have changed over time, and how long those transformations may take.” —Hernán Flom, Journal of Latin American Studies “Presents well-reasoned and logical arguments to support its contentions.” —Paul Bleakley, International Criminal Justice Review“An insightful book that should find a wide audience among scholars of crime, policing, security, state violence, and subnational politics. ” —Eduardo Moncada, Perspectives on PoliticsThough police are supposed to serve and protect, they all too often rob and abuse. Why? And what can be done about it? That is the central puzzle addressed in this book.Drawing on the disparate cases of Chile, Colombia, and Mexico, Diego Esparza analyzes why some countries' police forces are more corrupt than others and considers what policy initiatives can turn an abusive police force into one that works for its citizens. His findings, perhaps most notably, fundamentally challenge assumptions about the virtues of local control.

The volume consists of a collection of fifteen contributions to Political Theory, the focuses of which represent an interaction between different themes and perspectives. The collection brings together a series of philosophical, moral, political, psychological, medical, anthropological and mytho-symbolical issues, divided into three main sections. A first section concerns ethical, moral and jurisdictional constitutional issues of Political Theory, including contributions by Fabrizio Sciacca, Cassandra Basile, Andrea Germani and Paola Russo. A second section is devoted to the analysis of political myths and representations, including contributions by Giangiacomo Vale, Viviana Faschi, Giada Fiorese, Raffaella Sabra Palmisano, Alessandra Spano and Giuseppe d’Ambrosio. A third and final section focuses on the analysis of political dynamics specific to modernity, with contributions from Michele Lanna, Federica Rauso, Cornelia Stefan, Michele Olzi and Maria Rosaria Vitale.

It has been claimed that around 14,500 wars have been fought since 3,500 BC. Humanity has only experienced 300 years of peace on Earth. During the twentieth century more people in total, were killed in wars, than during any previous century. Relatively, though we kill each other less often now. Are we gradually becoming more peaceful? Regardless of the number of people killed, and the technology used to do it, we can rest assured that wars will be continued to be fought. Can the causes of war be found in society or in biology, in a competition for economic or sexual resources, in historical circumstances – or in a universal violent instinct? The essays in this anthology originate from the internationally renowned Engelsberg Seminar of 2015, and are written by international historians, journalists, thinkers, researchers, and authors. From the conflicts of antiquity to the dynamics of modern terrorism, this book is about war as a creator and destroyer of states and civilizations.

"The success of Russia's military modernization efforts should not be assessed solely through a Western lens..

One of the defining features of United States foreign policy since World War II has been the nation's special relationship with Israel. This informal alliance, rooted in shared values and culture, grew out of a moral obligation to promote Israel's survival in the aftermath of the Holocaust as US policymakers provided military aid, weapons, and political protection. In return, Israel served American interests through efforts to contain communism and terrorism in the region. Today, the US provides almost four billion dollars in military aid per year, which raises questions regarding interest and propriety: At what point does US support for Israel exceed the boundaries of the countries' unconventional relationship and become counterproductive to other national interests, including the pursuit of peace in the Middle East? Kenneth Kolander provides a vital new perspective on the US-Israel bond by focusing on Congress's role in developing and maintaining the special relationship during a crucial period. Previous studies have focused on the executive branch, but Kolander demonstrates that US-Israel relations did not follow a course preferred by successive presidential administrations, especially in the 1960s and 1970s. Instead, he illuminates how influential lobbyists, America's affinity for Israel and antipathy towards Arabs, and economic pressures influenced legislators and inspired congressional action in support of Israel. In doing so, he presents an essential investigation of the ways in which legislators exert influence in foreign policy and adds new depth to the historiography of an important dynamic in postwar world politics.

"This well-constructed, thoughtful book is highly recommended.” —Choice "Edozie and Khisa illuminate the agency that Africa exercises in international politics, sharing evidence that the continent's states are collectively shaping international discourse and policy outcomes." —Peter Penar, Davidson College"An important, and persuasive, sustained argument about the role of Africa as both a product and a driver of a new global politics. " —Thomas Tieku, University of Western OntarioThe African Union's threat to lead African states' mass withdrawal from the International Criminal Court in 2008 marked just one of many encounters that demonstrate African leaders' growing confidence and activism in international relations. Rita Kiki Edozie and Moses Khisa explore the myriad ways in which the continent’s diplomatic engagement and influence in the global arena has been expanding in recent decades.Focusing in particular on collective action through the institutional platform of the AU—while acknowledging the internal challenges involved—the authors show how Africa's role as a dynamic world region is both shaping and being shaped by current trends in global development and geopolitics.

“Provides the reader with a comprehensive understanding of the numerous issues, barriers, and structural impasses [necessary] to truly understand corruption and its foundation.” —Jamie M. Pratt, Crime, Law and Social Change "In this sophisticated analysis, Morris offers a deep and sobering reflection on five complex dilemmas that contemporary societies face when tackling corruption. "—Matthew M. Taylor, American University"Morris's provocative discussion of the history and politics of corruption reminds us not only that the rule of law is under constant strain in the modern world, but also that the very concept and nature of corruption are necessarily political, and all too often politicized, by leaders and the citizens that support them."—James D. Long, University of WashingtonContinuing his deep study of the nature of political corruption, in his new book Stephen Morris confronts a fundamental dilemma: How can we control power, when power essentially determines what we can, and cannot, control? More specifically, how can we control the power of those actors who use that very power to influence our understanding of corruption and shape our efforts to fight it, all in accordance with their own interests?As he unpacks the inherent contradictions that handicap the critical quest to limit the power of the powerful, Morris highlights the challenges of fighting corruption and contributes significantly to our understanding of its politicization and persistence.

John Hervey Wheeler (1908–1978) was one of the civil rights movement's most influential leaders. In articulating a bold vision of regional prosperity grounded in full citizenship and economic power for African Americans, this banker, lawyer, and visionary would play a key role in the fight for racial and economic equality throughout North Carolina. Utilizing previously unexamined sources from the John Hervey Wheeler Collection at the Atlanta University Center Robert W. Woodruff Library, this biography explores the black freedom struggle through the life of North Carolina's most influential black power broker. After graduating from Morehouse College, Wheeler returned to Durham and began a decades-long career at Mechanics and Farmers (M&F) Bank. He started as a teller and rose to become bank president in 1952. In 1961, President Kennedy appointed Wheeler to the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity, a position in which he championed equal rights for African Americans and worked with Vice President Johnson to draft civil rights legislation. One of the first blacks to attain a high position in the state's Democratic Party, Wheeler became the state party's treasurer in 1968, and then its financial director. Wheeler urged North Carolina's white financial advisors to steer the region toward the end of Jim Crow segregation for economic reasons. Straddling the line between confrontation and negotiation, Wheeler pushed for increased economic opportunity for African Americans while reminding the white South that its future was linked to the plight of black southerners.

How many lives can one man save? Never enough, Horton realized. As his ship backed away from Smyrna’s wharf, he could better see the helpless, teeming crowd on the waterfront trapped between the sea and a raging inferno. He was not consoled by rescuing his shipload of refugees, nor by the many other Christian, Jewish, and Muslim lives he had saved during his service as American consul. His focus was on the people before him threatened with fire, rape, and massacre. Their persecution, he later said, made him ashamed he “belonged to the human race.” Helping them would not be easy, however. His superiors were blocking humanitarian aid and covering up atrocities with fake news and disinformation to win Turkish approval for American access to oil. When Horton decried their duplicity and hard-heartedness, they conspired to destroy his reputation. Undaunted, Horton pursued his cause until it went to the President and then Congress for decisions that would set the course for America’s emergence as a world power. At stake was the outcome of WWI, the stability and liberality of the Middle East, and the likelihood of more genocide.

Cultural differences are often the trigger for conflict – whether politically motivated or arising from dissonant understandings of national culture. But what we regard as distinctive today in our cultural heritage or day-to-day cultural experience is deeply rooted in the rich diversity of the national currents of the nineteenth century. Culture and Conflict: Nation-Building in Denmark and Scandinavia, 1800–1930 explores the many strands of Danish and Scandinavian culture that helped to shape these cultural identities. The sixteen contributions in this volume analyse how competing national agendas influenced the development of political life as well as literature, the visual arts, and music. A central theme is the cultural conflicts that formed an essential part of nineteenth-century nation-building. Culturally as well as politically, boundaries were drawn up, ideologies were formulated and discussed, and determined attempts were made to suppress divergent cultural voices in the drive to forge strong national or Scandinavian narratives. The results of these conflicts were the enduring cultural struggles that form the subject of this volume. The contributions at hand, by scholars from Denmark, Britain, Norway, the United States, and Germany, bring a broad and interdisciplinary perspective to bear on these distinctively Nordic themes. Aimed both at students and at established scholars, the chapters discuss the many facets of nationalism, its cultures, and its countercultures, as well as revisiting the historiography of the 1800–1930 period with a more pluralistic approach.