The Bluegrass region of Kentucky was the only part of the slaveholding South Abraham Lincoln knew intimately. How the cultural environment of Lexington, the home of Lincoln's wife, with its pleasure-loving aristocracy, its distinguished political leaders, and its slave auctions shaped his opinions on slavery and secession is traced in these pages.In this city, early known as the "Athens of the West," Lincoln's alliance with the Todd family widened his circle of acquaintances to include such diverse personalities as the fiery Cassius M. Clay, who urged immediate emancipation; Dr. Robert J. Breckinridge, courageous Presbyterian minister, and the doctor's nephew, John C. Breckinridge, who took up arms against Lincoln after his election to the presidency.

When the University of Kentucky was begun in 1865, it was merely an adjunct of a denominational college in Lexington. From that humble beginning has come a proud institution with an enrollment of 56,000 and with students, faculty, and facilities spread across a landscape extending to the boundaries of the Commonwealth. The University's graduates now include Nobel laureates, statesmen, and thousands of productive citizens whose influence reaches to the far corners of the world. In words and pictures, this book tells the story of the University's beginnings, its struggles for adequate funding, its joys and losses, its triumphs and accomplishments. Carl Cone has assembled from University archives and private collections a visual panorama depicting the growth and diversity of a great institution's first century and a quarter.Here are the University's founding fathers alongside its presidents, faculty members, student leaders, coaches, and athletes. Here too are the dorm rooms, classrooms, laboratories, gymnasiums, and athletic fields in which thousands have worked and played on their way to the degree that marks them as University of Kentucky alumni.In the years since 1865, Kentucky's "flagship university" has moved far toward reaching the vision of greatness held out by its founder. "We want," said John Bowman, "everything which will make this institution eventually equal to any on this continent. Why should we not have them? I think we can." Today, the University continues to strive to match its founder's vision. Here is the story of that quest.

In the spring of 1989, the Kentucky Supreme Court declared the state's entire system of common schools to be unconstitutional-an epochal decision that will have enormous impact on the future of the commonwealth and its citizens. In the wake of that decision, educational leaders, legislators, and concerned citizens struggle to define Kentucky's educational needs and to find the means to achieve them.The Path to a Larger Life, made up of recommendations from a volunteer citizens' organization, offers the most sweeping analysis of Kentucky's educational needs published in this century. Concentrating on the connections between a weak Kentucky economy, high levels of poverty and ill health, historic educational backwardness, and limited financial support for education, the book offers a sweeping set of recommendations and a comprehensive plan of action.Citing founder Ed Prichard's admonition that "it does not do to will the ends if you don't will the means," the book explains the need for increased school funding and increased taxation. The committee's original report figured prominently in education debates that began in 1985. As a stimulant for higher public aspirations and a long-range plan of action, this new and updated edition of The Path to a Larger Life is more pertinent than ever today.

In 1985, police bombed the Philadelphia community occupied by members of the black counterculture group MOVE (short for \u201cThe Movement\u201d). What began fifteen years earlier as a neighborhood squabble provoked by conflicting lifestyles ended in the destruction of sixty-one homes and the death of eleven residents - five of them children. Some 250 people were left homeless. Was this tragedy the only solution to the conflict? Were John Africa and his morally and ecologically idealistic followers \u201ctoo crazy\u201d to negotiate with? The authors interviewed MOVE members and their neighbors, third-party intervenors, and representatives of the Philadelpia administration in the 1970s, and draw on their own knowledge of the field of dispute resolution. More than simply describing a terrible event, they examine the dynamics of conflict, analyzing attempts at third-party mediation and the possibility of resolution without violence. Their analytical approach provides insight into other major conflicts, such as the problems of perception and misperception in U.S. - Iranian relations.In an age when terrorism and hostage-taking are regular features on the six o\u2019clock news, their questioning of traditional views on negotiation with \u201cirrational\u201d adversaries is especially important.

During the 1950s two Senate investigations, both highly publicized through the new medium of television, revealed the spread of racketeers and corruption among labor unions. Taking advantage of these sensational revelations, business interests, who for years had chafed against the federal government's pro-labor policies, mounted a campaign to curb labor's power. With the support of the business-oriented administration of Dwight Eisenhower, they pushed through Congress a new "reform" law -- the Landrum-Griffin Act. In this book, R. Alton Lee, author of an earlier study of the Taft-Hartley law, offers the first detailed legislative history of this important act and with it an examination of the Eisenhower presidency.Lee traces the development of the public's distrust of labor leaders and the rising sentiment for reform and then follows the progress of the legislation through both houses of Congress in the midst of moves and countermoves by labor and management. He shows how some of the leading actors in the struggle -- notably John Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, and Barry Goldwater -- used the occasion to further their political ambitions. In the final vote the swing of public opinion against labor and the potent combination of conservative southern Democrats and northern Republicans secured for the law an overwhelming majority in Congress.The enactment of the Landrum-Griffin law, Lee concludes, is yet another example of Eisenhower's astuteness as a politician, one who marshaled the force of his popular appeal and adroitly deployed his administrative aides to achieve his goal. It also provides a revealing example of the interplay among public, president, and Congress in the American system.Eisenhower and Landrum-Griffin makes a valuable contribution to political and labor history and to a deeper understanding of the Eisenhower presidency.

The people of the Kentucky mountains and the southern Appalachians preserved a language alive with colorful turns of phrase and whimsical wit and for their amusement they created a rich vein of oral lore -- songs, tales, and games. James Still presents a varied and entertaining collection of riddles, whimsies, and verbal pranks, gathered through his long association with the mountain people of eastern Kentucky.This book includes in one volume two earlier books -- Way Down Yonder on Troublesome Creek and The Wolfpen Rusties -- that have been unavailable for several years. It contains the complete text of the original editions, including Still's explanatory notes for archaic or obscure expressions. Also included are the original lively illustrations by the noted artist Janet McCaffery.

This book represents the first political history of the federal government's only experiment in social medicine. Alice Sardell examines the Neighborhood, or Community Health Center Program (NHC/CHC) from its origins in 1965 as part of Lyndon Johnson's War on Poverty campaign up until 1986. The program embodied concepts of social medicine, community development, and consumer involvement in health policy decision-making. Sardell views the NHC experiment in the context of a series of political struggles, beginning in the 1890s, over the boundaries of public and private medicine, and demonstrates that these health centers so challenged mainstream medicine that they could only be funded as a program limited to the poor.

" Thicker'n fiddlers in hell. Independent as a hog on ice. If a bride makes her own clothes, it's bad luck. It'll snow in May if it thunders in February. How's a hen on a fence like a penny? What's the reddest side of an apple? Learn what folklore and folk culture are and enjoy a generous helping of sayings, rhymes, songs, tall tales, superstitions and riddles from Kentucky.

What is Soviet-American competition all about? Is the Soviet Union a security problem that the United States must solve? Or is it an insecurity condition with which the U. S. must learn to live -- and if so, on what terms? What kind of a player is the United States in the great game of power politics? In The Geopolitics of Super Power, one of our most respected strategic theorists answers these and other questions.In geopolitical terms, Colin Gray sees the Soviet-American antagonism as an enduring contest between a continental empire and a maritime coalition, each with its distinctive character and purposes. Gray explores the roots of the American style in foreign policy and strategy, and how that style relates to defense options.He identifies four broad alternatives for U.S. national security policy: passive and active means of containment, disengagement from foreign security commitments, and the "rollback" of the Soviet empire. Gray argues vigorously for active containment, for the systematic deemphasis of nuclear weapons, and for the intelligent use, for deterrence and defense purposes, of the West's great competitive strengths in the political, economic, and technological spheres.

The industrial development of Ecuador has made fortunes for some, but has largely bypassed the general population. Armed by its new power, the bourgeoisie has captured sate mechanisms for its own advancement, leading to the paradox of a \u201cdemocratic authoritarianism.\u201d In this study, Catherine M. Conaghan views the crucial differences between the social and economic changes in newly developed Latin American nations and those of the southern cone. Using Ecuador as her case study, she shows how industrial growth has given birth to an exclusive, ingrown bourgeoisie that is highly dependent on the state and foreign capital and is increasingly alienated from the peasants and urban poor.

In the 1970's, an “age of affluence” ended abruptly in Canada, Great Britain, and the United States. Skyrocketing inflation, persistent unemployment, and sluggish growth became new, oppressive realities for government and citizens alike. This book examines the changes that occurred in economic policymaking on the governmental level and the public's response to such changes. This timely collection of essays sheds light on the political economy of three of the world's oldest democracies in an era of economic distress and uncertainty.

The social life of older rural Americans is made up of relationships formed through kinship, their neighborhoods, and the organizations to which they belong. These social institutions are shaped by the ways people use them, and therefore change through time. In this precedent-setting study, John van Willigen uses the concept of social network to investigate life-course changes in the relationships of older people within the context of community history. Gettin' Some Age on Me grew out of a study of more than 130 older people in a rural Kentucky county. They were interviewed concerning their relationships with others, and data were collected on the give and take of support that is part of their social life. An understanding of community life and history, developed through interviews and period documentation, provided a context for understanding the changes these people have experienced over time. Finally, related studies by other researchers provided a framework for interpreting rural and urban differences.Van Willigen skillfully interweaves these various accounts to reveal fundamentally important patterns. It is clear that these other people should be viewed not as dependent and isolated but as important sources for social support; that even though their social relationships decline in number late in life, early in the post retirement period there is an apparent increase in social involvement; and that older people are much less isolated in the rural community studied than in many urban areas.This book makes a substantial contribution to the very limited literature on aging in rural America. It is important reading for social gerontologists and for all social scientists with an interest in American communities.

The Arrogance of Race is a significant contribution to the historiography of slavery and racism in America. George Fredrickson, one of the most respected and cogent historians of this complex and troubling subject, maintains that racism is a cultural phenomenon not a mere by-product of class conflict and colonialism. He opts for a "dualistic" rather than a more popular monolithic explanation of the tragedy of racism.

American literature is no longer the refuge of the solitary hero. Like the society it mirrors, it is now a far richer, many-faceted explication of a complicated and diverse society -- racially, culturally, and ethnically interwoven and at the same time fractured and fractious.Ten women writing fiction in America today -- Toni Cade Bambara, Joan Didion, Louise Erdrich, Gail Godwin, Mary Gordon, Alison Lurie, Joyce Carol Oates, Jayne Anne Phillips, Susan Fromberg Schaeffer, and Mary Lee Settle -- represent that geographic, ethnic, and racial diversity that is distinctively American. Their differing perspectives on literature and the American experience have produced Erdrich's stolid North Dakota plainswomen; Didion's sun-baked dreamers and screamers; the urban ethnics -- Irish, Jewish, and black -- of Gordon, Schaeffer, and Bambara; Oates's small-town, often violent, neurotics; Lurie's intellectual sophisticates; and the southern survivors and victims, male and female, of Phillips, Settle, and Godwin.The ten original essays in this collection focus on the traditional themes of identity, memory, family, and enclosure that pervade the fiction of these writers. The fictional women who emerge here, as these critics show, are often caught in the interwoven strands of memory, perceive literal and emotional space as entrapping, find identity elusive and frustrating, and experience the interweaving of silence, solitude, and family in complex patterns.Each essay in this collection is followed by bibliographies of works by and about the writer in question that will be invaluable resources for scholars and general readers alike. Here is a readable critical discussion of ten important contemporary novelists who have broadened the pages of American literature to reflect more clearly the people we are.

How close to reality was the official U.S. image of Libya through the Nixon-Ford, Carter, and Reagan administrations? After recounting the actions of Libya and the United States in the Middle East since 1969, ElWahrfally concludes that it was very far from accurate.Using personal interviews as well as scholarly research, ElWarfally demonstrates that recent U.

Perspectives on Irish Nationalism examines the cultural, political, religious, economic, linguistic, folklore, and historical dimensions of the phenomenon of Irish nationalism. Its essayists are among the most distinguished Irish studies scholars. Their essays include a comprehensive analysis of the tapestry of Irish nationalism and focused studies that often challenge myths, pieties, and the scholarly consensus. Thomas E. Hachey is Professor of Irish, Irish-American, and British history and Chair of the department at Marquette University. He wrote Britain and Irish Separatism: From the Fenians to the Free State 1807-1922 (1977), coauthored and edited The Problem of Partition: Peril to World Peace (1972); coedited Voices of Revolution: Rebels and Rhetoric (1972), and edited Anglo-Vatican Relations, 1919-1937: Confidential Annual Reports of the British Ministers to the Holy See and Confidential Dispatches: Analyses of American by the British Ambassador, 1939-45 (1974). Lawrence J. McCaffrey is Professor of Irish and Irish-American History at Loyola University of Chicago. He has published a number of articles and books, including Daniel O'Connell and the Repeal Year (1966), The Irish Question, 1800-1922 (1968), The Irish Diaspora in America (1976) and coauthored The Irish in Chicago (1987). "