In this collection of essays poverty is viewed not merely as an economic predicament but as a "system with measurable properties," of which a low income level is only one. Affecting individuals or entire regions, many of the attributes of poverty can be seen either as causes or as effects of low income.In order for governmental and institutional attempts to have any chance of success, the system of poverty must be much better understood. Working programs directed at particular problems of the poor are examined and assessed with an account of the findings of recent research that shows how these programs could be improved.

This study focuses attention of the People's party which existed for a short time in the 1890s. Despite its brief existence the party and the movement that brought it into being had a lasting effect on American politics and society.Populism originally developed outside the political system because the system had proved incapable of responding to real needs. As the movement was transformed into the People's party, however, much of its responsive nature was lost. The People's party became subject to the same influences that guided the old parties and it became more concerned with winning office than with promoting genuine reform. In finding this sharp distinction between Populism and the People's party, Mr. Argersinger portrays Populism not as a success but as a tragic failure, betrayed from within by politicians who followed political dictates rather than Populist principles.Mr. Argersinger studies the Populist predicament in organizing a national movement in a time of political sectionalism and discovers neglected phases of Populist activity in the crucial campaign of 1896. He suggests that there may have been some validity to the charge of Populist "conspiracy-mindedness."

With the dramatic changes OPEC precipitated in the structure of world energy markets during the 1970s, energy became a central concern to policymakers throughout the industrialized West. This book ex-amines the responses of public officials in three leading European nations -- the Federal Republic of Germany, France, and the Netherlands -- to the energy crisis. As the study shows, the proposed energy programs in the three countries shared remarkable similarities; yet the policy outcomes were very different. To explain why, Michael T. Hatch goes beyond the specific content of government energy policy to include an analysis of the policymaking process itself.At the heart of the study is an exploration of the various dimensions of nuclear policy in West Germany. The political consensus on nuclear power that prevailed in the initial years following the energy crisis disintegrated as antinuclear "citizens' initiatives," the courts, and trade unions, as well as the traditional political parties, entered the policymaking process. Subsequent government efforts to resolve the political stalemate over nuclear power foundered in a morass of domestic electoral politics and an international debate over nuclear proliferation.Extending the analysis to comparisons with French and Dutch nuclear strategies, Hatch argues that the critical factor in determining nuclear policy was the manner in which the political system structured the nuclear debate. In contrast to West Germany, where the electoral and parliamentary systems enhanced the influence of the antinuclear "Greens," the electoral system and constellation of political parties in France served to dissipate the influence of the antinuclear forces. Thus in France the nuclear program en-countered few impediments. In the Netherlands, as in West Germany, government policy was paralyzed in the face of antinuclear sentiment across a broad spectrum of Dutch society.Hatch has provided here not only a useful examination of the development of energy policy in western Europe but also a case study of the close interplay between policy and politics.

Few academic disciplines have recorded their own origins and development in an organized way. The American Political Science Association, in cooperation with Pi Sigma Alpha, the political science honor society, and the University of Kentucky, have undertaken an extensive oral history project, the aim of which is to trace and record the growth of the discipline. The program has made it possible to amass hours of interviews with women and men who have influenced the study of political science. Political Science in America contains interviews with fifteen major figures who speak frankly about the intellectual and institutional roots of political science and trace its evolution. Through their words, we learn what it was like to be a part of the earliest Ph.D. programs and to work with early leaders.We discover how these leaders became interested in political science, what roles they played in building departments and research organizations, and what they learned from participation in government and politics. They discuss their own contributions and offer opinions on some of the major conflicts that have divided the discipline. Particularly enlightening are their varied perspectives on the growth of the behavioral movement in political science over the past fifty years. This book is of interest to all political scientists as a historical perspective on their discipline.

Max Frisch, with his countryman Friederich Diirrenmatt, shares the place of eminence in contemporary Swiss literature. Indeed, he ranks high among the recent leading writers in the German language. But, although several of his works -- novels and plays -- have been translated into English, he remains little known in America. In this collection of essays an international group of scholars provides a fresh introduction to this noted author.The three leading essays review Frisch's work in the forms he has used most extensively -- drama, narrative fiction, and the personal diary. The remaining nine essays focus on specific works or topics. Among the works examined are I'm Not Stiller, A Wilderness of Mirrors, Wilhelm Tell, and the recent Man in the Holocene. Among the topics are Frisch's use of language and images, his treatment of women, and the element of parody. Concluding the volume is the most complete bibliography on Frisch to appear in English to date.

Students of Browning have long been puzzled by the discrepancies between the dramatic framework of Fifine and its symbolic development, but these difficulties are resolved in Southwell's explication by a biographical hypothesis. The powerful influence of the memory of his beloved wife, Elizabeth, involved Browning in a deep ambivalence, and Fifine at the Fair represents his effort to escape the effects of the profound inhibitions associated with her memory, while at the same time remaining loyal to it.The poem is itself a flawed quest for Eros. Browning's symbolic vision of sexuality as the central vitalizing force in human culture -- a supreme achievement of the poem -- is followed by a renunciation of the quest, but the validity of the vision is explicitly affirmed and its promise recognized.In Fifine at the Fair Browning's artistic powers are splendidly in evidence. Southwell's fresh examination of the tensions within the poem offers new understanding of its power.

Today's music, painting, and film share with literature in the development of a new aesthetic, even as these other arts influence (and are influenced by) literary themes and structures. And at the same time the music and art of the past continue to re-echo in twentieth-century letters.The thirteen essays gathered here open a fine and varied view of the ways in which contemporary literature interacts with the other arts. Surrealism in French painting and literature, collage theory and the cutups of William Burroughs, texts of Butor as shaped by works of Duchamp -- this volume offers a rich harvest of perceptive studies on these and other aspects of a fascinating topic.

In all parts of the world and in every age, many of the greatest works of literature have been shaped or inspired by the swirl of historical events. The wars, holocausts, and mushroom clouds of our own era haunt the pages of many twentieth-century writers; events of the past, even the remote past, also inspire many authors, though their work is contemporary in every way. And if we agree with the poet Czeslaw Milosz that "historicity may reveal itself in a detail of architecture, in the shaping of a landscape," we come to recognize that our understanding of a given poem or novel can often be deepened by a reading from this point of view. The essayists in Literature and the Historical Process explore the ways in which history and literature are intertwined in the works of a number of twentieth-century writers. These probing critical readings from the historical point of view not only enlighten us about the works under consideration but, especially when taken together, enrich our understanding of the literary impulse itself.In "Nature, History, and Art in Elizabeth Bishop's 'Brazil, January 1, 1502,'" for example, Barbara Page shows how Bishop "used and rearranged" knowledge derived from her study of Brazil's history. Page's somewhat feminist reading may surprise those who find Bishop's poetic persona hard to identify.Among the other authors considered are Jorge Luis Borges, Michel de Ghelderode, Elizabeth Bowen, Rose Macauley, Anthony Burgess, Hugo von Hofmannsthal, Cesare Pavese, and Czeslaw Milosz.

In this volume a number of distinguished social scientists representing the disciplines of anthropology, sociology, psychology, economics, and political science, explore essential problems of developmental change against the theoretical background and empirical data of their own and related disciplines.Developmental change is here viewed under a broad perspective. The considerations range from the problems that arise when human beings are confronted by change, to investment planning and decision-making in a specific case against a background of general poverty and a high birthrate, to the problem of what it is that constitutes development. In the concluding essay it is argued that the concerns of developmental change override the boundaries of existing disciplines and professions and demand the close cooperation of both the academic researcher and the field worker. The book contains valuable suggestions for all who are responsible for development planning and policy.

Few rules of law can so quickly strike terror into the hearts of lawyers as the Rule against Perpetuities. This rule, two centuries in development, is designed to prevent tying up property for too long a time. It can be stated in one sentence, but the great nineteenth-century master of the Rule, John Chipman Gray, required more than 400 scrupulously detailed pages to explain it. For deceptive subtleties and unexpected traps it has no equal.This book views the Rule in the microcosm of Kentucky cases. It shows that perpetuities law in action differs from perpetuities law in the books. It is more chaotic than any writer has ever suggested. While the words of doctrine remain the same, the meaning shifts from case to case. Seemingly the law is working slowly and tortuously to a new and sounder policy base. The book also is designed to provide the practicing lawyer with a simplified statement of the Rule and comprehensive analysis of Kentucky cases.Lastly, the book deals with an analysis of reform, particularly the 1960 Kentucky legislature reform act, based upon a draft by the author.

In this study of Pennsylvania and the War of 1812, the author sees the political ambitions of the Republicans, rather than economic, diplomatic or expansionist motives as the primary impetus for the outbreak of the war. Fearful of the Federalists' growing strength, the Republicans exploited the friction with England to maintain their power and to secure the reelection of Madison to the presidency. In this strategy, Victor A. Sapio shows, Pennsylvania played a crucial but hitherto unrecognized part. The strongest Republican state, its politicians influential in their party's stance, Pennsylvania provided the largest number of votes for war, and willingly and consistently supported its prosecution.

Having gained fame and success in business, Paul G. Hoffman went on to become involved in a wide range of public concerns. In this new and revealing biography Alan R. Raucher provides the first assessment of Hoffman's entire career, beginning with his rise to the presidency of Studebaker and his success in applying progressive management to lift it from bankruptcy to profitability. A firm believer in the automobile, Hoffman became known as a sales genius, as a promoter of the new human relations approach to labor management, and as the industry's apostle of automotive safety.Raucher follows the movement of Hoffman's career into the broad public arena. Having developed a reputation as a progressive industrial statesman, Hoffman was a logical choice in 1948 to become the first administrator of the Marshall Plan, a key position in which he used economic foreign aid primarily to rebuild Western Europe in order to contain the spread of Communism. As the Cold War continued he came to regard economic foreign aid as a necessary sacrifice and dismissed all suggestions that the U.S. actually gave away billions of dollars in order to promote its own prosperity.Hoffman became convinced that foreign aid could promote peace and prosperity, especially through economic development in the poorer countries. As the first president of the new Ford Foundation, as a confidant of President Eisenhower, and as a top of¬ficial of the U.N. Secretariat from the late 1950s to the early 1970s, Hoffman continued to confront the problems of the emerging Third World in a career that sheds light on the rise of the powerful development establishment and on its attitudes and policies.

Carl R. Osthaus examines the southern contribution to American Press history, from Thomas Ritchie's mastery of sectional politics and the New Orleans Picayune's popular voice and use of local color, to the emergence of progressive New South editors Henry Watterson, Francis Dawson, and Henry Grady, who imitated, as far as possible, the New Journalism of the 1880s. Unlike black and reform editors who spoke for minorities and the poor, the South's mainstream editors of the nineteenth century advanced the interests of the elite and helped create the myth of southern unity. The southern press diverged from national standards in the years of sectionalism, Civil War, and Reconstruction. Addicted to editorial diatribes rather than to news gathering, these southern editors of the middle period were violent, partisan, and vindictive. They exemplified and defended freedom of the press, but the South's press was free only because southern society was closed.This work broadens our understanding of journalism of the South, while making a valuable contribution to southern history.

The lands Germany ceded to Poland after World War I included more than one million ethnic Germans for whom the change meant a sharp reversal of roles. The Polish government now confronted a German minority in a region where power relationships had been the other way around for more than a century.Orphans of Versailles examines the complex psychological and political situation of Germans consigned to Poland, their treatment by the Polish government and society, their diverse strategies for survival, their place in international relations, and the impact of National Socialism. Not a one-sided study of victimization, this book treats the contributions of both the Polish state and the German minority to the conflict that culminated in their mutual destruction. Based largely on research in European archives, it sheds new light on a key aspect of German-Polish relations, one that was long overshadowed by concern over the German revanchist threat and the hostility that subsequently dominated the German-Polish relationship. Thanks to the new political situation in central Europe, however, this topic can finally be addressed evenhandedly.

A vast network of prison camps was an essential part of the Stalinist system. Conditions in the camps were brutal, life expectancy short. At their peak, they housed millions, and hardly an individual in the Soviet Union remained untouched by their tentacles. Michael Jakobson's is the first study to examine the most crucial period in the history of the camps: from the October Revolution of 1917, when the tsarist prison system was destroyed to October 1934, when all places of confinement were consolidated under one agency -- the infamous GULAG.The prison camps served the Soviet government in many ways: to isolate opponents and frighten the population into submission, to increase labor productivity through the arrest of "inefficient" workers, and to provide labor for factories, mines, lumbering, and construction projects.Jakobson focuses on the structure and interrelations of prison agencies, the Bolshevik views of crime and punishment and inmate reeducation, and prison self-sufficiency. He also describes how political conditions and competition among prison agencies contributed to an unprecedented expansion of the system. Finally, he disputes the official claim of 1931 that the system was profitable -- a claim long accepted by former inmates and Western researchers and used to explain the proliferation of the camps and their population.Did Marxism or the Bolshevik Revolution or Leninism inexorably lead to the GULAG system? Were its origins truly evil or merely banal? Jakobson's important book probes the official record to cast new light on a system that for a time supported but ultimately helped destroy the now fallen Soviet colossus.

Progressive nineteenth-century Americans believed firmly that human perfection could be achieved with the aid of modern science. To many, the science of that turbulent age appeared to offer bright new answers to life's age-old questions. Such a climate, not surprisingly, fostered the growth of what we now view as "pseudo-sciences" -- disciplines delicately balancing a dubious inductive methodology with moral and spiritual concerns, disseminated with a combination of aggressive entrepreneurship and sheer entertainment. Such "sciences" as mesmerism, spiritualism, homoeopathy, hydropathy, and phrenology were warmly received not only by the uninformed and credulous but also by the respectable and educated. Rationalistic, egalitarian, and utilitarian, they struck familiar and reassuring chords in American ears and gave credence to the message of reformers that health and happiness are accessible to all.As the contributors to this volume show, the diffusion and practice of these pseudo-sciences intertwined with all the major medical, cultural, religious, and philosophical revolutions in nineteenth-century America. Hydropathy and particularly homoeopathy, for example, enjoyed sufficient respectability for a time to challenge orthodox medicine. The claims of mesmerists and spiritualists appeared to offer hope for a new moral social order. Daring flights of pseudo-scientific thought even ventured into such areas as art and human sexuality. And all the pseudo-sciences resonated with the communitarian and women's rights movements.This important exploration of the major nineteenth-century pseudo-sciences provides fresh perspectives on the American society of that era and on the history of the orthodox sciences, a number of which grew out of the fertile soil plowed by the pseudo-scientists.